is sitting in a high-backed director’s chair with his name on it. (I’d always assumed they were just used for effect in movies, but here one was.) Zucker is looking at a monitor showing the inside of an empty New York City subway station. It’s actually just a set–a stunning replica of a subway station–and it sits 15 feet to Zucker’s right.
The first assistant director breaks the silence.
The set jumps to life. Two young men–both terrorists–enter the station. They are surprised to see a security checkpoint manned by two NYPD officers. “I’ll need to see your bag, please,” says one of the officers. The lead terrorist glances nervously at his friend and swings his backpack down from his shoulder to present it to the cops. Just as the officer pulls on the zipper, however, a small army of ACLU lawyers marches up to the policemen with a stop-search order. The cops look at each other and shrug their shoulders. “This says we can’t search their bags.”
The young men are relieved. They smile fiendishly as they walk toward the crowded platform. As the lead terrorist once again slips the backpack over his shoulder, he mutters his appreciation.
“Thank Allah for the ACLU.”
Zucker’s latest movie, An American Carol, is unlike anything that has ever come out of. It is a frontal attack on the excesses of the American left from several prominent members of a growing class of Hollywood conservatives. Until now, conservatives in Hollywood have always been too few and too worried about a backlash to do anything serious to challenge the left-wing status quo.
David Zucker believes we are in a “new McCarthy era.” Time magazine recently joked that conservative films are “almost illegal in Hollywood.” Tom O’Malley, president of Vivendi Entertainment, though, dismisses claims that Hollywood is hostile to conservative ideas and suggests that conservatives simply haven’t been as interested in making movies. “How come there aren’t more socialists on Wall Street?”
The Iraq Study Group ad was the most memorable. It opens with news footage ofcelebrating the signing of the . A newspaper stand boasting “Peace with Honour” flashes across the screen.
: “This morning, I had another talk with the German Chancellor, Herr Hitler. Here is the paper, which bears his name upon it, as well as mine.”
The spot cuts to footage of German bombers over Warsaw. “Well,” intones a narrator, “that negotiation went well. Fifty million dead worldwide. Nicely done, Mr. Chamberlain.”
Then viewers are shown footage of imaginary negotiations between Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. had formally recommended talks with Iran and Syria as part of its proposed solution to the problems in Iraq., Syria’s , and “Iranian madman”
When Ahmadinejad asks Baker for permission to develop nuclear weapons so long as Iran promises not to use them, Baker agrees. Triumphant music plays loudly in the background and the diplomacy pauses for a celebration and some photos.
The music stops and Baker returns to the table with Ahmadinejad and Syria’s Bashar Assad.
“Next item: You must agree to stop supplying the explosive devices that are killing our American soldiers in Iraq,” Baker insists.
“We won’t do that.”
“Well, can you reduce the number?”
“Okay, how about 10 percent?” Assad proposes.
“Twenty percent,” Baker responds.
The music starts again and Baker, like Chamberlain, triumphantly waves the signed agreement.
“Now, this thing about destroying Israel,” he says to Ahmadinejad.
“We will do that,” says the Iranian leader.
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